Pakistan has entered a new political era – one that analysts warn could mark the end of the country’s already fragile balance between civilian rule and military authority.
With the passing of the 27th Constitutional Amendment this week, Parliament has granted sweeping lifelong powers and immunity to the country’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, while simultaneously restructuring the judiciary in a manner critics say gravely undermines judicial independence.
Signed into law on Thursday after fast-tracked approval in both houses of Parliament, the amendment formalises a radical shift in the country’s power architecture. It elevates the army chief to an unprecedented position: lifelong holder of rank, beyond prosecution, and now empowered to oversee not only the army, but also Pakistan’s air and naval forces.
Under the revised constitutional structure, Munir will continue to serve in an official advisory role even after retirement, with responsibilities defined jointly by the president and the prime minister—a move that, in effect, ensures his continued influence over national decision-making indefinitely.
Supporters of the amendment argue the changes modernise Pakistan’s defence structure and align military leadership with contemporary security threats. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was quoted by the state-run Associated Press of Pakistan as saying that the reforms would “strengthen operational coherence and national defence priorities.”
But constitutional experts, opposition figures, and civil society members fear something very different is taking shape: the formalisation of military supremacy.
“A post-hybrid system”
Pakistan has long operated under what scholars describe as hybrid governance – a system where elected civilians rule publicly, while the military maintains decisive influence behind the scenes. But according to Michael Kugelman, Director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington, the new amendment marks a decisive shift.
“This may be the strongest evidence yet that Pakistan has moved beyond a hybrid system. The imbalance between civilian rule and military authority is now almost total.”
Human rights activist and journalist Munizae Jahangir expressed similar alarm.
“This amendment further tilts an already unequal power dynamic. Instead of accountability, the military has been granted legal insulation.”
Judiciary reshaped under executive influence
The amendment also restructures Pakistan’s highest courts – another change critics describe as democratic backsliding.
A new Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) will now exclusively handle constitutional matters. Its judges – including its first chief justice – will be appointed by the president, effectively giving the executive branch influence over benches that rule on constitutional disputes.
Previously, such cases were heard by the Supreme Court, whose judges maintained institutional independence and, at times, challenged executive and military overreach.
Two Supreme Court judges resigned within hours of the law’s enactment.
Justice Athar Minallah, in his resignation letter, wrote: “The Constitution I swore to protect no longer exists.”
Justice Mansoor Ali Shah accused the amendment of having “shredded judicial independence.”
Another controversial change allows judges to be transferred between courts without their consent – raising fears the executive could relocate or sideline judges who issue rulings unfavourable to the government or military.
A dangerous precedent?
Pakistan’s history is deeply entwined with its military. Army-led rule has accounted for more than three decades of the country’s post-independence history under figures like General Ayub Khan, Zia-ul-Haq, and Pervez Musharraf. Even under civilian governments, the military has exercised heavy influence over security, foreign affairs, and often key domestic policies.
But many analysts argue the latest reforms may represent the most sweeping constitutional consolidation of military power in the nation’s history.
Karachi-based lawyer Salahuddin Ahmed warns the fallout may extend well beyond institutional imbalance. “When people lose faith in courts, they stop seeking justice through the legal system. That opens the door to unrest.”
Political commentator Arifa Noor sees the amendment as part of a broader trend.
“The judiciary is now effectively subservient to the executive. Power is consolidating – and not in the hands of the electorate.”
What comes next?
With speculation already building around a possible 28th amendment, Pakistan’s political future now appears increasingly uncertain. The opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) – whose founder and former prime minister Imran Khan remains in prison – has condemned the reforms as illegitimate and made without consultation.
Meanwhile, the government maintains it has acted in the national interest.
Whether these constitutional shifts usher in stability – or deepen political fractures – remains to be seen. But for many Pakistanis, the question dominating the public conversation is no longer about who governs the country.
It is about whether civilian democracy still meaningfully exists.
Source: BBC