How far will Islamists push their proportional representation demand?

As Bangladesh prepares for its 13th national parliamentary elections scheduled for February 2025, a coalition of seven Islamic parties is intensifying its campaign for sweeping electoral reform, specifically the adoption of a proportional representation (PR) system. 

Yet, despite nationwide rallies and a unified front on paper, deep divisions persist even within the so-called “Qaumi gharana,” casting doubt on the feasibility and coherence of their demands.

Chief Adviser Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus has confirmed the February election timeline, and the Election Commission has begun logistical preparations. 

However, the nature of the electoral system has emerged as the most contentious issue in the current political discourse. While no national election in Bangladesh’s history has been held under PR, the Islamic parties argue that the existing “first-past-the-post” (FPTP) model has entrenched majoritarian rule, marginalised smaller voices, and fuelled repeated political crises.

The coalition, comprising Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, Khilafat Majlis, and four other like-minded groups, has launched a nationwide agitation centred on five core demands, with PR at the forefront. They contend that the FPTP system, unchanged for nearly five decades, is outdated compared to global democratic innovations and has failed to ensure inclusive governance.

“The caretaker government system once provided a level playing field and public confidence,” said Maulana Abdul Halim, Assistant Secretary General of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. “Now, electoral reform is essential to prevent authoritarianism and ensure pluralism. PR is not just a technical change. It is a safeguard against fascism.”

However, political analysts and rival parties remain sceptical. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the country’s largest opposition force, has outright rejected the PR proposal, dismissing it as a “delay tactic” and warning it could complicate voter participation and distort democratic accountability.

“Introducing PR in Bangladesh’s current political reality is neither practical nor desirable,” a senior BNP leader told Jago News. “It risks creating confusion, weakening constituency links, and serving the interests of those who fear losing under a transparent FPTP contest.”

Even among the Islamic parties, consensus is fragile. While Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami Andolan advocate for PR in both houses of parliament, Khilafat Majlis has adopted a more nuanced stance. Its leadership insists that their primary objective is the legal codification of the “July Charter”, a set of reform principles agreed upon by a broad spectrum of political actors in July 2024, and that PR is secondary.

“We are not fixated on PR in the lower house,” said Maulana Jalaluddin Ahmed, Secretary General of Khilafat Majlis. “Our priority is implementing the July Charter and ensuring a credible trial process. PR in the upper house was recommended by the National Consensus Commission, and we support that, but it is not our sole demand.”

Advocate Jahangir Hossain, Senior Joint Secretary General of the same party, went further: “We do not want PR in the lower house. And if there is to be an upper house, it must operate under PR. Otherwise, it has no justification.”

This divergence underscores a broader strategic rift. While Islami Andolan’s Secretary General, Principal Maulana Yunus Ahmed, declared their movement “unwavering” and pledged new actions following upazila-level protests on 26 September, Khilafat Majlis leaders emphasised dialogue over agitation, stressing the need for cross-party consensus before any structural change.

Meanwhile, the National Citizens Party (NCP) and the People’s Rights Council have expressed conditional support, backing PR only for the proposed upper house, not the directly elected lower chamber. Neither party has issued an official position, reflecting the broader political caution surrounding the issue.

Badiul Alam Majumder, head of the Electoral Reform Commission and a member of the National Consensus Commission, acknowledged the polarisation. “There are valid arguments on both sides,” he said. “FPTP has flaws, but so does PR. The commissions have recommended PR only for the upper house, a middle path. Whether political parties can agree on this before February remains uncertain.”

Under the current FPTP system, the candidate with the most votes in a constituency wins the seat, and the party securing the majority of seats forms the government. In contrast, a pure PR model would allocate parliamentary seats in proportion to each party’s share of the national vote, a system that could empower smaller parties but may also fragment governance.

As the February deadline looms, the Islamic parties’ campaign faces an uphill battle. Without broader political buy-in, particularly from the BNP and centrist forces, their push for PR risks remaining a symbolic gesture rather than a transformative reform. Yet, their insistence on linking electoral change to the July Charter ensures that the debate over the integrity and inclusivity of Bangladesh’s democracy will remain central to the pre-election landscape.